Confessions of a Party Conference Virgin
The first person I met at my first political party conference told me that his son had been conceived at the last one he’d been to. Given that he was in his 80s, a repetition seemed unlikely, but I suggested he minded how he went nonetheless.
Aside from activities not on the conference agenda, the annual conferences of political parties are not only about deciding policy and appointments to committees, but are also theatrical events staged for the benefit of the voting public via the national media.
Party hierarchies attempt both to control the image presented and to avoid embarrassing scenes which they think would put off the electorate. At Labour conferences, scenes the leadership find embarrassing have tended to arise from the more idealistic left of the party, and it was noticeable that this year, the more left wing union delegates were placed at the rear of the hall, from where they cheerfully heckled the stage.
What is to be debated, and the outcome of those debates, is voted on either with a show of hands or by the use of voting cards. Each delegate is issued with a book of these: green slips for voting in favour of the motion and pink ones against. Given that the votes are presented numerically, but not in sequence, it is relatively easy to cast one’s vote in an unintended direction.
The polls suggest that Labour are on the brink of regaining power after 13 years in opposition, and the mood in Liverpool was one of excitement, mixed with anxiety that the chance might yet be blown. Although Labour have a consistent double digit poll lead, the electorate is more volatile than it has ever been, with few voters firmly aligned with a particular party. Has Labour done enough to reassure those not inclined to vote for it, or to inspire those who are sympathetic? There’s a lot of water yet to flow under the bridge before that is clear.
Michael Clarke
Reflections on water. Business or public service?
Public good, private Bad? Private good, public bad? How should we draw the boundary between public service and market systems?
In 1973 water supply and sewage treatment were provided by about 1500 separate bodies, with no central body responsible for rivers. Ted Heath’s government then reorganised the English and Welsh industry into ten Water Authorities, adopting the principle of Integrated Catchment Management. Water resources, aquifers, water supply, sewers, river quality, flooding, environment, fisheries and recreation were all managed holistically. Scientists, engineers, hydrologists and economists working together to manage our relationship with the water environment for the benefit of all. It lasted for sixteen years, then the ideology of “private good, public bad” took over.
Privatisation struck like a virus. The industry fragmented into private, profit driven, monopoly companies, and regulators, OFWAT and the EA, whose purpose was to catch the companies out. All that expertise was re-focused on a three-way, zero-sum game. But there was nothing in the regulation to stop the companies borrowing to pay dividends, and no matter how hard they try, no government can really outsource the risk of running out of water or killing a river.
The current structure of the industry has surely lost credibility, but don’t blame the companies for doing what is in their corporate DNA, blame rather the politicians who created them. I worked in the water industry, public and private, from 1974 to 2012. Drawing offices, muddy sites, flood defences, drought emergencies, sewage flooding into houses, the joys of the Capital Expenditure Committee. It’s a fascinating, vital, complex and largely hidden world, whatever the management regime.
Harold Macmillan compared water privatisation to “selling off the family silver”. Buying it all back would cost a fortune, but the public / private boundary could be redrawn sensibly and affordably. The Integrated Catchment Management and Capital Planning functions of the Water Companies should be returned to public ownership and combined with OFWAT and the Environment Agency to form new, Regional Water Agencies. These are natural monopolies, but running waterworks, or building storm tanks are not. The Water Companies should be transformed into specialist contractors, competing to own/operate/maintain assets and deliver capital programmes for the Regional Agencies. This would be an appropriate use of the market system.
As I reflect on my time in water, the words of a song come to mind. “Things can only get better!”
Bob Turner
Driving past a CAZ (Clean Air Zone) sign in Newcastle recently, I was provoked to think about the ULEZ (Ultra Low Emission Zone) hoo-ha during and after the recent Uxbridge by-election. You may recall that the seat was held by the Conservative candidate with a majority of just 500 and this unexpected success was widely believed to be due to a campaign focussed on ULEZ expansion. This then led to heated debate about ‘weaponising’ the environment which saw Rishi Sunak rolling back green commitments in a quest for short-term political gains.
The London ULEZ was introduced by Boris Johnson (when he was Mayor of London) to discourage drivers of high-polluting vehicles from using roads in central London. This means you must pay a daily charge of £12,50 when you enter any of the designated zone if your car, van or motorcycle doesn’t meet the ULEZ emission standards. The aim was to reduce the negative effect on the health of people in London that can be attributed to harmful pollution such as particulate matter, NO2 and CO2 gases. From October 2021, the ULEZ was expanded to include everything within the North Circular Road (A406) and South Circular Road (A205). From 29 August 2023, the ULEZ expanded across all London boroughs and this was the issue that affected the Uxbridge by-election.
No other towns or cities in the UK have schemes that are as wide-ranging as the ULEZ, but other cities do have Clean Air Zones. Birmingham and Bristol have CAZ that covers a small central part of the city and applies to some private cars. Newcastle & Gateshead along with Bradford, Portsmouth and Bath have a CAZ, but they do not apply to private cars or motorbikes – only taxis, vans, buses and HGVs. All have attracted controversy – not least in Newcastle and Gateshead where there was considerable opposition to the original 2019 proposal.
So, what do we make of all this? Firstly, we should note that there is a widespread consensus that nobody want to breathe dirty air which has been shown to have clear adverse health effects. Secondly, we should note that ULEZ type traffic restrictions do work. Research in London has shown that there are half as many high-polluting vehicles in the zone on a typical day when compared to the period just before the ULEZ expansion and roadside NO2 levels have fallen dramatically. The benefits are shared by everybody within the city, but the impact of the restrictions falls disproportionately on poorer people who drive older vehicles and who cannot afford to replace them with a vehicle that is allowed to enter the zone.
Should we be concerned about ‘weaponising’ the environment? I suppose it depends on what we understand this to mean. The decision to introduce clean air measures (and indeed any other environmental protection measures) is inherently political. Any proposal to impose charges and/or restrictions in order to deliver environmental gains must be open to political debate. All the more so for measures aimed at longer term gains related to the climate emergency.
So, if ‘weaponising’ the environment means having a grown-up debate about the issues. Bring it on! However, we must have a properly informed debate and this is the real issue that emerged from Uxbridge because research [1] has shown evidence that genuine concerns about the impact of ULEZ expansion were amplified by social media misinformation and manipulation.
We have all heard the one about "lies, damned lies, and statistics", which seems to be generally attributed to Mark Twain. Selective use of statistics seems likely to be an inescapable part of political discourse, but can we at least hope to avoid deliberate misinformation?
John Gowing
[1] For details of the research see: Evidence of Online Manipulation in the UK Public Debate - Valent Projects (valent-projects.com)
‘Weaponising’ the environment: lies, damned lies and statistics
Pay-back time: slavery reparations or wealth tax?
In a previous issue (Curious Squirrel 8) we visited Wallington Hall and learned about the Trevelyan family. So, I was struck by recent news (Chronicle 5/2/23) that their descendants propose to assuage the guilt of long-dead ancestors for their exploitation of enslaved people by donating to a fund to support education in Grenada.
Any news of wealth redistribution is welcome, but are they going about it in the best way? I want to argue that their support for a UK Wealth Tax would be a better way.
From a 21st century perspective, the notion that anybody can claim ownership of another person is abhorrent. Equally so, I would argue is the historical fact that when slavery was abolished in 1833, compensation payments were made to slave-owners and not to the slaves.
However, it is important to recognise that slavery did not begin in the sugar estates of the British Empire. Let us not forget that Dublin was once a Viking slave-market and that the glories of Rome were produced by a slave economy. If there is a case for reparation payments for 18th and 19th century slavery during the British Empire, then why not for the 9th to 11th century Viking era or 1st to 5th century Roman era, or indeed any of the many other historical examples? Surely, there has to be a statute of limitations on historical misdeeds.
In any event, wealth accumulation by powerful elites through the exploitation of their fellow citizens did not end with the abolition of the trans-Atlantic slave trade. Recently, the Equality Trust charity reported that the number of UK billionaires rose to 177 this year and that since 1999 we have seen a ten-fold increase in the number of UK billionaires and a ten-fold inflation-adjusted increase in their total horde with the median billionaire now holding about £2bn. Meanwhile, we have seen stagnation in public sector wages and a steady increase in child poverty.
Wealth inequality in the UK is even greater than income inequality and there is a strong case for the introduction of taxes on wealth, which could raise tens of billions of pounds annually, according to www.taxjustice.uk. A wealth tax is an obvious response to anyone claiming that pay rises for public sector workers in line with the increasing cost of living are “simply not affordable”. Polling by YouGov shows that around three quarters of Brits would support a wealth tax (perhaps 2% on wealth over £5 million or 1% on wealth over £10 million). Also, faith leaders came out in support of a wealth tax in an open letter to the government ahead of the recent budget (Church Times 13/3/23). So, if wealthy people are feeling any pangs of guilt about injustice and inequality, then I urge them to join the campaign for the introduction of a wealth tax.
John Gowing
Make your mind up: Liz Truss
‘The man who never alters his opinions is like standing water, and breeds reptiles of the mind’. (William Blake)
‘Progress is impossible without change; and those who cannot change their minds cannot change anything’ (George Bernard Shaw).
It can be hard to change our minds. Once we have an opinion it is easy only to hear what supports that opinion (known by psychologists as confirmation bias). The challenge is to be open to opinions different from our own and to weigh their strengths - and yes, be open to changing our minds when we get new information. This can be particularly difficult when opinions become polarised - when much that we hear distils complex issues into simplistic, black and white arguments. It is a strength to be open to other views - not to be dogmatic.
If changing our minds can demonstrate such qualities - what do we make of Liz Truss, our recently appointed (not elected!) Prime Minister?
Liz Truss campaigned against Brexit in the 2016 referendum. Since the result she has changed her mind and has become a hard-line Eurosceptic.
As a young woman Liz Truss was a Liberal Democrat and spoke at the LD conference in favour of abolishing the monarchy. She has changed her mind and as Tory Prime Minister one of her first responsibilities was to respond as PM to the death of Queen Elizabeth whom she praised. She paid homage to the new king and welcomed in a new Carolean age.
So, has Liz Truss demonstrated leadership qualities in these changes of mind - are they the result of empathising with other opinions, careful consideration of the strengths and weaknesses of other arguments, being prepared to admit that she was wrong? Or do you think something else is going on?
Jamie Thompson
LATE UPDATE: she changed her mind again and decided that she did not want to be PM after all!
Enough is Enough
Climate breakdown, Covid and the equally threatening Cost of Living crisis confront us with a quandary as to how we should react. Do we merely consider ourselves and our loved-ones or act with, and with concern for, others similarly or more sorely affected?
It is possible to argue that such predicaments can bring out the best in us. There is ample evidence to show that people react most effectively by organising themselves to act collectively to counter the worst effects of calamities and so better sustain themselves in adversity, eg: local groups establishing community tree-planting, orchards and other green initiatives; climate protest groups; volunteers self-organising to provide vulnerable people with food, medication and other essentials during periods of lockdown. A current example of this is the resurgence of one of the most potent forms of collective effort - the trade union. It was the trade unions, with the Fabians, which formed the Labour Party and fought to establish the shorter working week, paid holidays and sick leave and the many other civilising features of our working lives. Working people are once more turning to trade unions as a means of resisting the latest assaults upon their working and living standards, and their membership is rising. Even in those sectors thought to be beyond their reach: the precarious zero-hour contract world, workers have begun to self-organise, join trade unions and take-on international behemoths like Amazon.
In the UK the larger unions are beginning to flex their muscles for the first time in years as negotiation fails to resolve their disputes.Accordingly, a wave of industrial unrest is washing over the country and lapping on the shore of even the sleepy little town of Morpeth. Recent weeks have seen picket-lines formed by the RMT, TSSA and CWU set-up at work places across the town on strike days ,all receiving strong support from !ocal people. Additionally, two of these unions,along with community groups and politicians, have responded to the crisis by combining to form the movement 'Enough is Enough' - a campaign to fight the cost of living crisis and which aims to turn anger into action.
They demand; a real pay rise; slashing energy bills; an end to food poverty; decent homes for all and taxing the rich.
If you agree that it is time to say "enough is enough" then you can find more about the campaign at https://wesayenough.co.uk
Paul Thompson
New Year Resolution: Are you really sorry?
When someone bumps into you, do you say ‘Sorry!’, even if it’s not your fault? (And as you walk away do you mutter to yourself, ‘Clumsy oaf’?)
Saying ‘sorry’ as an automated response is drummed into us from an early age. Were you regularly ordered by parents to ‘Say you’re sorry’? ‘Say sorry properly’? ‘Say it as if you mean it’? And then the trick question … ‘What are you sorry for?’, because sometimes you really didn’t know?
The Apology of Socrates (Plato) records his defence at a trial on charges of impiety and corruption of young people. This sort of apology (or apologia) is less to do with saying sorry than with explaining and justifying behaviour. This is often heard in apologies that begin, ‘Sorry, but …’. In other words, I’m not sorry because I haven’t done anything wrong.
Politicians are reluctant to apologise. Boris Johnson did apologise eventually about the party at Downing Street during lockdown but only as the issue was turning into a crisis and of course it was ‘Sorry, but ..’ He admitted to what had happened but explained that it was only in hindsight he realised that others did not agree with what he thought at the time was reasonable.
Amongst friends and family, disputes sometimes come to an impasse because neither party is prepared to apologise. We all know of siblings or former friends who haven’t spoken for years when pride and self-righteousness take the place of common sense. Here saying sorry is thought of as a sign of weakness. The opposite is true. To be truly sorry we must think of the other person’s point of view and empathise with how they might feel. When we apologise, we make ourselves vulnerable because we acknowledge fault and because our apology might be rejected. This takes some courage.
So, what does a proper apology look like?
1. Say what you did wrong. Think through what you want to say. Try to be straightforward and calm. Never ‘Sorry if you ..’ but always ‘I’m sorry that I …’
2. Be sincere and ask for forgiveness. This isn’t about winning or losing. You do want your apology to be accepted – but you must accept that it might not be.
3. Don’t blame them. Be prepared to repeat your apology.
4. Explain how you will make try to make sure it doesn’t happen again.
If your apology is not accepted, you might need to repeat the process later.
Mostly we all rub along successfully with family, friends and neighbours. But don’t let disputes spoil these relationships that are so important in our lives. Situations are often complicated but perhaps we should all resolve to admit our faults – to ourselves and to others.
Sadly, we don’t expect much of this self-awareness to be evident around the table at Downing Street any time soon.
Jamie Thompson
Let them eat cake
Conservative MP for Ashfield, Lee Anderson claimed in the House of Commons that Food Bank customers could be trained to cook a nutritious meal for 30p.
Waiter: … and for your main course?
Her: Hmm. Can’t make up my mind between the prawns and the lamb – the lamb I think
Him: Me too – nice and pink with a good Pinot Noir eh?
Her: Lovely. But shouldn’t we be feeling a bit guilty with all this talk of 30p meals
Him: Not at all! We deserve it. We’ve worked damned hard to be able to afford this sort of meal – and we only do it once or twice a week. And don’t forget – we haven’t always eaten like this – remember when we were students? …. Ha! Thirty pence had to do for a week’s food! What was the grant? About £11 per week? £4 rent? A pound a day on beer – so where’s the money for books, never mind food.
Her: I think you’re exaggerating a bit – but yes, things were tight.
Him: Lived on lentils and rice – bags of protein and plenty of carbs. Throw in a hard-boiled egg and you’ve got a feast.
Her: Yes, I still enjoy a lentil curry – with lots of chopped coriander and a nice dollop of mango chutney ….
Him: …and maybe a swirl of yoghurt … food of the gods.
Her: Ambrosia
Him: Oh yes, I used to love that creamy tinned rice too.
Her: But mostly you loved cake! I was forever making you cakes. Still am.
Him: Ah, the way to a man’s heart. A big plate of rice and lentils followed by a thick slice of cake.
Her: My cake!
Him: Yes, and everyone else can have a Greggs Yum Yum
Her: Maybe they should give out plates of rice and lentils at foodbanks
Him: Maybe they should nationalise Greggs…. and here’s the food. Looks delicious. Cheers darling.
Jamie Thompson
Trade unions – the Ramp of Reform
Unions? Ha! They should do away with the lot of ‘em!” Overheard recently, in a bar not far from here, this might have just been a gut reaction to delayed post, a cancelled train or a postponed operation. But what would our society really be like without unions?
The Woodhorn museum at Ashington has an exhibition of trade union pit banners, beautifully crafted by mining communities over the years as symbols of unity for marches and parades over many years. The banners are displayed up a gentle incline, - the “Ramp of Reform”, reminding us that the journey to achieve worker’s rights has been a long and uphill.
At the start of the nineteenth century, unions were illegal under the “Combination Acts”. Wealthy owners of land and industry set wages as low as possible, and there was nothing individual workers could do about it as the balance of power was completely in the employer’s favour. The Combination Acts were repealed in 1824, but other legal restrictions continued. In 1834 the “Tolpuddle Martyrs” were famously deported to Australia for forming a Society to campaign for a minimum agricultural wage of ten shillings a week. The case inspired mass protests, and the six martyrs were eventually pardoned. In 1867 a Royal Commision concluded that Trade unions were “to the advantage of both employers and workers”, and the TUC was established the following year.
The “Ramp of Reform” continued intermittently and at the turn of the 19th century the Labour Party was formed to advance worker’s rights peacefully and democratically. Unions became an integral part of how our society and economy functioned. Paid sick leave, limits on working hours, health and safety legislation, paid holidays, equal pay for women, minimum / living wage, - none of these would have happened without the unions. Strikes can cause inconvenience and harm, especially when key public services are affected, but a society where workers were prevented from joining unions, or withdrawing their labour, would be little more than a slave state.
In the 1978 /79 Winter of Discontent unions lost public support. The outcome was nineteen years of conservative government, the bitter miner’s strike, and more restrictive trade union laws. The current wave of public sector strikes however are attracting significant public support. With inflation at 11%, private sector settlements averaging 6.5%, and the public sector being offered an average of 3% that seems justified.
If and when Labour form a government, they will have to sit opposite union negotiators, and there can’t be any blank cheques. They will however see trade unions as welcome partners in the joint enterprise of serving the common good, rather than illegitimate nuisances. That should make all the difference.
Bob Turner
Unsure about on-shore
Sunrise. A cold morning in the Northumbrian hills. In the distance, elegant white blades rise quietly and majestically from the wide wintery horizon. My spirits lift with them, because each generator produces enough zero-carbon electricity to power 7500 houses. Those rotating blades, with their gentle, rhythmical “thswishh”, reassure me that my children and grandchildren might not face inevitable climate catastrophe after all, so in my eyes and ears they are beautiful. Some people are unsure, and see onshore wind turbines in our countryside as ugly quixotic giants to be battled against. In 2013 Boris Johnson complained that wind turbines “couldn’t pull the skin off a rice pudding". Then in 2016, as part of David Cameron’s drive to “cut the green crap”, he changed planning rules to virtually ban all onshore wind projects. There is a tendency of some on the right of politics to tilt at windmills as if climate change were some sort of lefty liberal conspiracy. The influential Net Zero Scrutiny Group of Conservative MPs, (NZSG) exists just to oppose the government’s net-zero policies and has strong links to the Global Warming Policy Foundation, - the UK’s main climate science denial organisation.
Wind energy is now the cheapest form of generation by far, especially following the war-induced spike in gas prices. Onshore wind costs significantly less than offshore and avoids the need for long, expensive and environmentally damaging cables to connect to the grid. Onshore wind farms use tried and trusted technology, can be constructed in months on farmland with no significant loss of land for cultivation. Had we continued to invest in onshore wind from 2016, we would by now have secured a solid baseload supply of low-cost, UK generated energy, a thriving green economy, and would be a lot closer to that vital net-zero target.
In September 2022 Liz Truss proposed to ease planning restrictions for onshore wind projects, but in October Rishi Sunak performed a swift U-turn, - so it’s off the menu again! Was the hidden hand of the NZSG at work? While they are pulling the strings this government will continue to be unsure about onshore. But as the beautiful blades of clean energy continue to turn, perhaps climate denial is heading for its final sunset?
Bob Turner
It’s not everyone's cup of tea.
Most prefer packing bags, stacking shelves or driving vans, but I'm starting to appreciate my privileged position in chatting to shoppers who may make donations and sometimes those who won't.
He stood-out from the crowd streaming into the supermarket.
Over six feet tall and burly, yellow hi-vis coat flapping open over grubby workwear, enormous rigger-boots shedding clarts with every clumping step. A daunting figure, bustling through, likely intent upon sarnie and pop for lunch. Not the usual donor.
Still quite new to this I hesitated, then "Go on give it a go, what's to lose?"
Stepping forward I gabbled my spiel "Excuse me sir, we're collecting for the foodbank and wondered if you could....." my prepared script was swept aside as he rushed by, snatching at the Items Needed list as a speeding train will catch a sweet-paper.
"Ah well," I mused "it was a long shot, blokes like that don't........" briefly allowing my worst prejudices to surface.
On with the job.
Ten minutes later and I'm almost knocked backwards into the trolley as four bags for life, stuffed to the handles with food and clutched in two massive fists, are thrust into my chest.
*Here ", the hi-vis gentleman growled accusingly " you shamed me, only came in to get champagne for wor lass's birthday but you made me see that some people have nowt ! ".
Before I could regain my balance or pick my jaw up from the ground he was away, denying me the chance to express surprise and gratitude.
What explained his change of plan?
Had he spent ten minutes between the two aisles, wrestling with his conscience : champagne?- food?-champagne? -food?
Had he previously had to turn to foodbanks, or had his girlfriend/ wife?
Then I wondered..... did she get the champagne?
....was he commended for his altruism?
....are they still together?
As for me, I was pleased that I gave it a go...four bulging bags of food for hungry people as reward.
But I also learned that kindness comes in many guises, and generosity lurks behind the most unlikely facades.
A Secret Volunteer
Food for thought: musings of a foodbank volunteer
wh
Image by James Battershill/openDemocracy/Alamy stock photo
Labour are currently riding high in the polls, but the next General Election could be deferred to as late as January 2025, so there is plenty of time for things to change. By then, the Conservatives will have been in Government for 15 years. On measures of the efficiency of public services, industrial relations, the health of the economy and rates of child and family poverty, the overall record of successive Conservative governments since 2010 seems to be one of unmitigated disaster, only partially explained by the Covid pandemic and the war in Ukraine. But is there anything positive to say about the last 15 years of Tory rule?
David Cameron, ranked in the fourth quartile of British Prime Ministers (with Lloyd George, Churchill, Thatcher and Blair in the first) brought in the legalisation of marriage between same sex couples, enshrined in law a commitment to spend 0.7% of GDP on overseas aid (subsequently reversed) and introduced the National Living Wage. His major legacy will be the Brexit referendum.
He was replaced by Theresa May, whose Premiership was dominated and destroyed by rows over the Brexit deal, achieving little other than coordinating the largest ever expulsion of Russian intelligence officers around the world following the Salisbury Novichok attack.
Perhaps in despair of ever achieving a Brexit settlement, the Tory party, and subsequently the country, turned to the charismatic but morally flawed (in a more obvious way than most politicians) Boris Johnson. While a Brexit deal was achieved, there is little so far to suggest this deal has been to the advantage of the British people.
Of the seven guarantees made in the Tory manifesto of 2019, none have been fulfilled, perhaps no surprise to those who had previous personal experience of Johnson. Capable of decisive action about high profile issues: overseeing the early roll out of Covid vaccines and helping to lead the West’s response to the invasion of Ukraine, his party and the public eventually tired of his superficial charm.
Of Liz Truss, the less said the better, and while Rishi Sunak has restored some measure of stability, it is too early to judge his administration.
So little of note on the credit side of the balance sheet for the Tories since 2010 - an open goal for Labour? Not so fast. Labour remains haunted by Neil Kinnock’s defeat by John Major when also riding high in the polls in 1992. The electorate will require them to articulate a positive vision of their own, and if a week is a long time in politics then two years is an eternity.
Michael Clarke
What have the Conservatives done for us?
How Green was my New-Build?
The Brochure
People need homes that’s for sure, and the only way out of the housing crisis is to build lots more. But we love to have fields and woodland at the end of our gardens, so new-builds often start by trashing trees and topsoil that have been there for centuries.
The Site
Eventually this desert of mud is transformed into homes. Gardens and trees take the place of chemically sprayed fields, a new community puts down roots, and nature starts to restore some bio-diversity.
But how green are those new-builds? Has climate change been taken into account? A survey of local sites revealed that solar panels are not usually offered, even as an option. Yet domestic solar power is a simple way to tackle the cost of living, Vladimir Putin and climate change all in one go! And every house comes with a gas boiler to pump CO2 into our precious atmosphere. No heat pump option, and no installation of ground heat collectors while the excavators are on site. Enquiries with local Planning Departments reveal that solar panels and heat pump infrastructure remain optional for domestic developments, despite the Climate Emergency. Subsidies for solar pv introduced by Labour in 2010 were drastically cut by the Con/Lib coalition in 2011 marking “the end of the UK solar industry as we know it”, and the feed-in-tariff for new installations was scrapped in 2019.
When it comes to transport, our typical edge-of-town new build boasts at least one garage, but bus stops are nowhere to be seen. We have a “North East Bus Improvement Plan”, but no discernable progress towards an efficient integrated public transport network.
Some still dismiss Carbon Zero targets as a left-wing/liberal fad, but in fact it has become an existential imperative. And it is achievable, but only by a competent government with a real sense of urgency.
Bob Turner
Food Banks: The New Philanthropy?
This country has a tradition of helping it's needy and hungry citizens (eg: the Poor Law, the Workhouse).The Social Security system introduced in 1948 superceded and improved upon these models, although recently it no longer catches the increasing numbers of desperate people in it's safety-net.
The 2008 financial crash, welfare-benefit cuts and "reforms",precarious employment and austerity measures have forced millions of people into poverty,while retracting local government services have removed other forms of vital support.
Enter... the Foodbank,the new safety-net.
Unknown here before 2000, foodbanks are now ubiquitous with 2000 registered and new ones appearing in schools, offices, factories.They have become as firmly established in the public consciousness as in actual communities as the accepted place of last resort.
Foodbanks rely upon donations of food and money from various sources (local councils, churches, businesses and clubs and the public) in order to operate.In recent years greatly increased demand, particularly due to Universal Credit followed by Covid, has out-stripped the income derived from such organisations, making the foodbank more reliant upon individuals.
Philanthropy used to be the prerogative of the rich but, while the better-off undoubtedly continue to give, we are arguably now witnessing a modern version where predominantly the less well-off are feeding the poorest.
A local foodbank is reporting greatly increased requests for help from people previously unknown to them, likely to be those who were "just managing" until the cost of living crisis struck, and also perhaps to have been donors.
This present crisis might prompt us to consider the viability of the foodbank model of welfare and perhaps ask ourselves a few questions.....
How has it come to this when over a million people, some working, are dependent upon charity to stay alive?
What do supermarkets gain from our charity (increased profits, kudos)?
Are we confident that businesses that "support " foodbanks pay the living wage?
Why do we so readily give of food and money when, faced with the choice ourselves, we would all surely opt for adequate state benefits over charity?
Where do we place our vote when none of the main parties promise to abolish foodbanks? Who will be left to donate as more are drawn into poverty, and can they give enough? What will happen then?
A Secret Volunteer
Supporting Families
In our local area we are all too aware of the real pressures being faced by families. Another article in this edition refers to foodbanks; latest figures show 1 in 2 clients are families with children. This now extends to Ponteland too – it is not just an inner-city issue.
Feeding children is only one part of what is needed. Rising costs are impacting everything from heating to childcare and school uniforms.
Insecure work creates anxiety. Being a parent can be tough, especially if living away from the wider family network. We no longer have services such as Sure Start available. Mental health provision for children and young people is stretched, at a time when the full impact of COVID is being realised.
Two locally led reports have highlighted the need for a coherent, long term, cross-party strategy, as part of the broader debate about ‘levelling up’ and an equitable recovery from the pandemic
In 2021 Ian Lavery MP for Wansbeck published “A Way Out the Dark”. This included proposals for jobs and infrastructure, a more effective benefit system, school meals and healthy eating, as well as early years and parenting support.
April saw “Making the Case for A Child Poverty Strategy”, following joint work initiated by the Bishop of Durham, involving a range of organisations with a track record of researching and responding to child poverty. This too made comprehensive proposals, from tackling housing and worklessness, educational inequality and costs of uniforms, to supportive hubs for parents.
A common theme was the importance of social infrastructure such as parks and sports facilities, offering opportunity for children to get active and develop key social skills. Each locality has a potentially valuable role to play in working together, fostering a stronger sense of community and supporting families.
What do families think might work best in our area? Are there ways in which we can get behind this?
The need for action is urgent, especially as our young children carry the legacy of this last 2 years of the pandemic.
Christine Brown
Where to go? In praise of public toilets
We’ve all been there; need to ‘spend a penny’, but can’t find a public loo. And it’s getting harder. In the words of the Joni Mitchell song, “you don’t know what you’ve got ‘til it’s gone”.
As so often seems to be the case, we have to thank the Victorians for the invention of this valuable amenity. In the full flush of civic pride, public toilets spread rapidly throughout the country following their introduction at the 1851 Great Exhibition.
Bank Hill ladies’ toilet in Berwick upon Tweed opened in 1899.
Bigg Market toilet in Newcastle opened in 1898 and was recently converted into a wine bar.
But in modern times with no law compelling councils to provide for this basic human need (note 1), the humble toilet has become a victim of cost-cutting. Since the millennium, 2,000 council-run toilets have closed, reportedly leaving ten UK councils with none at all (note 2).
You don’t need to travel far (probably a good thing really) to find evidence. Let’s look at Morpeth. Recently, the bus station loo was converted into an eyebrow bar and the toilet block in The Terrace car park (near URC church) became part of a construction site. A search of the Northumberland County Council website will now fail to locate anywhere to go, while the Morpeth Town Council website will locate only one (in Carlisle Park) which is open only during April to September and even then for limited hours.
Forget the lavatory humour; public toilets matter. Their absence represents a social cost – particularly to older and disabled people. Their absence also represents an economic cost if tourists can’t easily locate a convenient convenience. Access to sanitation is an indicator of ‘development’, so it seems that we are going backwards.
In stark contrast to what our elected councillors seem to think, proper provision of public toilets is not money down the pan. There’s no real substitute for a well-maintained public convenience, but a quick fix would be to revive the ‘Use Our Loo’ community toilets scheme (note 3), whereby local authorities work in partnership with local businesses to provide access for the public to clean, safe toilets. Of course, this must involve proper signposting and social media visibility.
John Gowing
Note 1: The Public Health Act 1936 (Section 87) empowers local authorities to provide public toilets, but imposes no duty to do so.
Note 2: https://www.rcn.org.uk/magazines/Bulletin/2018/May/Toilet-trouble
Note 3: https://www.northumberlandtourism.org.uk/news-room/675-use-our-loo
Bank Hill ladies’ toilet in Berwick upon Tweed which opened in 1899
Shameless
17 May
‘Zero Shame’, ‘A PM without shame’, ‘Shameless narcissist’. Such have been the headlines in recent weeks and months. Whatever you think of Boris and whether he should feel shame for anything he’s said or done, it is interesting to think about shame. Can you remember feeling ashamed? How was that feeling compared to when you have felt guilt? When we feel guilt it is after we have consulted an inner voice, a Jiminy Cricket on our shoulder – our conscience. It’s only after an inner dialogue that we feel guilt. Of course, that gives us the chance to let ourselves off the hook, to rationalise; ‘it wasn’t really my fault’, ‘I didn’t mean any harm’, ‘she deserved it’, ‘I had no choice’, ‘no real harm done’, ‘nobody knows’. Our legal system deals in this notion of guilt, in deciding whether someone is guilty of breaking the law, whether there are any extenuating circumstances and whether perpetrators recognise their guilt and regret what they have done. In our legal system the prosecution service acts not on behalf of the victims of crime or of the communities in which the crimes take place but on behalf of the Crown.
When we feel shame, it is in relation to other people, to our ‘community’ – we feel ashamed because of what our friends, family and neighbours will think of what we have done. When we are ashamed it is a powerful feeling because we have put at risk the relationships that are most important to us. So strong communities exert a powerful influence on their members. The trouble is that our local communities are increasingly fractured and fragmented while alternative/ digital communities of ‘like-minded’ people seem to be burgeoning.
Boris may or may not be found guilty of something in the ‘court’ of public opinion but argues his innocence in a legalistic way. Whether he or any politician feels shame depends on their community of relationships. Relationships with whom? Their families and oldest friends? Their closest colleagues? Their social circle? Can we hope that Boris’s ‘community’ act as some constraint on his words and actions? Can we build back stronger communities in which we care about each other’s needs and feelings – and show that we care by what we do and how we act?
Jamie Thompson (Spring 2022)
Rich man, poor man, beggar man, thief.
To paraphrase the well-known porcine quote: all are equal, but some are more equal than others. With that in mind, we need to talk about ‘levelling up’.
The pledge to ‘level up’ the UK was a key element of the 2019 Conservative Party manifesto. We waited a long time for further detail, but the ‘white paper’ finally appeared on 2nd February 2022 - without much of a fanfare. This must have been disappointing for the 3000 civil servants working on the policy – two thirds of whom, by the way, are based in London.
This document - ‘Levelling up the United Kingdom’ – runs to 300 pages, so it would be foolish to attempt a summary here. However, it seems that a side-effect of Covid19 is that everyone has started ‘following the science’, so let’s do the same and take a look at the ‘Gini coefficient’, which is the most commonly used measure of income inequality.
The Gini coefficient ranges from 0 to 1 (or 0% to 100%); the higher it is then the greater the gap between the incomes of a country's richest and poorest people. The diagram illustrates the concept; if we achieve a value of 0 then we fall on the ‘line of equality’ (ie. all people have the same income). The Gini Coefficient is computed by dividing the area (A) between this 45° line and the actual income distribution curve by the area (A + B) under the 45° line. A bigger ‘inequity gap’ (area A) leads to a higher value of the coefficient.
The United States has a Gini coefficient of 0.41 which means that the top 1% of earners averaged 40 times more income than the bottom 90%. Inequality is generally lower in Europe and the Gini 6 coefficient offers quantifiable proof of that fact. Sadly, with a value over 0.36, UK is at the top of the list for Europe and is 7th highest in the list of the top 30 developed economies (https://equalitytrust.org.uk/). The UK data shows a continuing rise in inequality during the last decade when the income share of the richest 1% increased from 7% to 8.3%. Inequality has been getting worse for a long time and recognition of the need for ‘levelling up’ is long overdue.
In its new white paper, the government has proposed twelve ‘missions’ to deliver levelling up. One of which promises to “boost productivity, pay, jobs and living standards … especially in those places where they are lagging”. We need to measure progress towards this, but as it stands the white paper is vague and offers us only that by 2030, pay, employment and productivity will have risen in every area of the UK and the gap between the top performing and other areas will be closing. In order to answer the question, “are we there yet”, we need information on how fast the levelling up agenda reduces the gap between the disposable income of poorer families and the wealthy. A reasonable target might be that by 2030 the Gini coefficient for UK should be no higher than the EU average (currently 0.30).
Of course, there is more to it than that – after all, there are eleven other ‘missions’, including:
• On transport, the promise is that by 2030, local public transport connectivity across the country will be significantly closer to the standards of London.
• On education, the promise is that by 2030, the number of primary school children achieving the expected standard in reading, writing and maths will have significantly increased and the percentage of children meeting the expected standard in the worst performing areas will have increased by over a third.
• On health, the promise is that by 2030, the gap in Healthy Life Expectancy (HLE) between local areas where it is highest and lowest will have narrowed.
The Curious Squirrel will look into these promises in future editions.
Author - John Gowing (Spring 2022)
Carbon Neutral? No, I’m against it.
It is very easy to get confused. COP 26 produced a maelstrom of information, protest, passionate debate and data. It’s not difficult to understand that the world faces an urgent, existential crisis. However, it is much trickier to decide what needs to be done – and who needs to do it. Motivated by a sense of responsibility, self-preservation and long-term thrift, people are responding in many ways. Diets are changing (less meat), houses are being insulated, solar panels fitted, air/ ground source heaters are being purchased, electric cars are booming, recycling waste and goods is commonplace, and cycling is ever more popular. Is this the way forward?
More and more people doing what they can afford? The Chancellor, Rishi Sunak has promised us ‘the world’s first net-zero-aligned financial centre’ in the City of London. Financial institutions and listed companies will be required to publish their plans for transition to carbon zero operation … and consumer demand for green finance and business will do the rest. A similar idea, that consumers will demand green, responsible companies will drive a growing environmental aspect to Corporate Social Responsibility policies in UK companies. Is this the answer? Consumer demand leading to eco-friendly banks and business?
The price of power is inevitably spiralling higher and the poorest are suffering most. Is the way forward to nationalise the power (and transport) sector, introduce higher and more progressive taxes and invest state money in green industry and a revitalized NHS? There are those who argue that economic growth is unsustainable; that this basic requirement of successful capitalism is incompatible with saving the planet. Here the argument is that far from levelling up we need to start levelling down, especially in relatively rich, developed countries where our wealth is a big part of the problem.
And now it’s Christmas and we are warned that there may be shortages so to start our shopping early. To help with this, at the beginning of November, John Lewis sent me an email offering a preview of their Christmas video. The following day my daughter announced that she and her family have decided to avoid buying anything new if possible – and that included Christmas presents – and yes, they had discussed this with the children. What if we all did this? What would happen to retail? (Poor old John Lewis!) What would happen to economic growth?
Jamie Thompson (December 2021)
A Bright Future for Buses?
Transport North East have recently published their Bus Service Improvement Plan (BSIP) covering the seven North East Local Authorities. (Search “transport northeast bsip”, - it’s worth a read!) It proposes transformational changes to deliver a “truly integrated, sustainable public transport system” based on a partnership between local authorities and transport operators.
It seems that the fragmented, deregulated approach to bus transport of the last 35 years is finally on the way out. The pandemic resulted in a sharp reduction in bus usage, and passenger numbers are still 25% lower than before Covid. The first job for the partnership will be to regain public confidence in public transport.
A bid for £804m of central government funding over three years has been made under the National Bus Strategy. If the funding is agreed and the plan succeeds, we can look forward to: -
• Integrated ticketing across bus, metro and local rail with the option for contactless payment with price cap. Bus services would work together under one North East brand.
• More frequent, reliable services extended into the evening.
• More integration and connectivity between transport systems.
• Vehicles fitted with “nextstop” AV equipment.
• Transition to zero carbon and/or low emission buses.
• Pilots of Demand Responsive Transport (DRT) in two rural areas.
• Better connections between local places to complement radial routes to cities.
Your local Labour Party recently conducted a questionnaire which was circulated to over 100 residents of the Ponteland / Heddon area. The results show support for a proposed new, circular bus route linking Ponteland, Heddon, Throckley and Westerhope with the Metro stops at Kingston Park and Airport which is now being promoted to Northumberland CC and Transport NE.
Let us know your ideas via heddonandpontzine@gmail.com
Bob Turner (December 2021
Fair Play by fair rules?
Independent Standards Committee finds that senior MP, favourite of PM, committed serious breach of rules on “paid advocacy”. PM has big majority. Scheme devised to change rules at last moment for new, government dominated committee. Jaws drop. British sense of fair play offended. MP’s in-trays overflow. Screeching U-turn. PM apologises for crashing car. Fair play restored. Or is it?
The Elections Bill proposes to require approved photographic ID, (passport, driving licence or equivalent) at polling stations. This will disproportionately affect poorer, unemployed and disabled people (less likely to vote Conservative). Senior citizens travel passes might be accepted, but not those held by students and young people (less likely to vote Conservative). Free “election cards” may be introduced, but the application process would put off many from marginalsed groups (less likely........).
The ID scheme would cost about £180m over ten years, - yet there is no evidence of serious voter impersonation fraud in the UK! The bill does nothing to rectify the lack of automatic voter registration (eg. From tax, NI or pension records), - which means that about 17% of eligible voters are missing from the register. And yes, you’ve guessed it, those missing voters are less likely to vote Conservative!
It also seeks to make the Electoral Commission less independent of the government and stop it from bringing prosecutions for breaches of electoral law. And there’s nothing in the bill to update rules to tackle “dark” money, foreign interference and online disinformation. Surely the UK, of all countries, should have a political system based on fair play by fair rules?
Sir Gerald Mander (December 2021)
The NHS needs Intensive Care
I qualified as a doctor in 1981. Over the 40 years I spent working for the NHS, the most extraordinary phase of my career occurred immediately prior to my retirement in April last year. In January 2020, two patients from York was admitted to the High Consequence Infectious Disease Unit at the RVI. As we now know, these two patients were the first in the UK to be diagnosed with COVID-19. We are all aware of what happened next, but memories fade.
Before the development of vaccines, and before much was understood about the disease, hospitals were scary places to be - it was like being trapped on a cruise ship with COVID patients. I used to come home from work and immediately climb into the shower, scrub my phone, badge, keys and credit cards, and put all my clothes into a hot wash. Some went further, and lived apart from their families for long periods. All the normal rules were suspended in anticipation of an overwhelming flood of severely ill patients with a highly infectious disease nobody understood. Non-urgent services were cancelled, and although great efforts were made to keep up with cancer care, backlogs developed.
As we emerge into a world where COVID-19 is a permanent feature in the healthcare landscape, the backlogs for non-urgent care, particularly for surgery, are huge. Nearly six million people, a figure equivalent to the entire population of Denmark, were waiting for hospital treatment in England alone as of October 2021, and this figure was rising by 100,000 every month. Over 90,000 of these are waiting for treatment at Newcastle Hospitals and over 25,000 at Northumbria Trust, and these figures do not include those patients with chronic disease whose appointments were deferred and are still waiting for their follow up to resume. It will be years before the situation returns even to that which was felt to be unsatisfactory two years ago.
Michael Clarke (December 2021)
Politicians are people too
The world has moved on surprisingly quickly from the murder of Sir David Amess, MP first for Basildon, and then for Southend. Those of us who were around in the 1980s will think of Basildon as the Thatcherite heartland, although the seat swung between Labour and Conservative. When Amess was elected, by 1,400 votes, in 1992, John Major is said to have remarked: “If we’ve won Basildon, we’ve won the election.”
Born in a terraced house without an inside toilet, the son of a dressmaker and an electrician, Amess was a grammar school boy who was a special needs teacher before becoming an MP. Amess identified with Brexit and socially conservative positions, such as opposition to abortion and same-sex marriage, and support for the reintroduction of capital punishment. He also opposed the cut to overseas aid and supported the abolition of fox hunting.
Although never attaining ministerial office, he piloted two private members bills through Parliament: one on animal welfare, and the other requiring the government to implement measures to reduce fuel poverty, following the death of one of his constituents from hypothermia. He campaigned for better treatment for people with asthma, arthritis and endometriosis. Whatever one thinks of his politics, it is agreed that he was a caring and hardworking local MP, who championed his constituency, and he had friends on all sides of the house. Outside the polarised world of social media, in which in reality only a noisy few participate, people are complex, and their values and attitudes might not always appear consistent. But that just makes them human, not bad humans.
MIchael Clarke (December 2021)
Money, Fame or Power?
There are about 20,000 local councillors in England. What motivates them to stand for
office? Is financial gain a factor? Legitimate rewards for
Parish and Town Councillors are minimal –
expenses only for most. However County
Councillors are paid a basic allowance (last year
£14,379 p.a.) and there are additional
‘responsibility’ allowances. The Leader of the
Council receives an additional responsibility
allowance of £27,000 p.a. - which of course is the
largest.
Some claim that the reason they stand for office
is because they are asked or persuaded to do so
(by existing councillors, by friends, by family, by their political party) …. but this still
begs the question of why they would agree to do it.
Two contrasting and common incentives are concerned with prestige and goals.
For some the position and (albeit for most, limited) power of elected office carries
benefits of prestige, respect and a kind of fame. Interestingly, for some deeply
invested in the community (historically, ancestorally, financially) standing for office is
both a duty and entitlement.
In contrast, there are those who stand for office primarily to play a part in achieving
a range of goals for the benefit of the community. Of course, for most candidates
there will be a mixture of motivations. However it is interesting to note that research
seems to demonstrate that when ‘prestige’ is emphasised when trying to encourage
candidates to stand, volunteer numbers drop – and when community goals are
emphasised, volunteer numbers rise.
In some wards, there has historically been a heavy vote in favour of one party.
Despite little chance of success in these wards, other parties may put up ‘paper
candidates’ in order that there is at least some representation of an alternative point
of view. It might be argued that those voting for such candidates might be better
served by some form of proportional representation, which might have the effect of
improving participation in local democracy - see the following article.